Eurasia Press & News
With a reputation as the most ‘Resistance Axis’ aligned armed faction in Gaza, the PIJ’s perspectives on the war and ongoing ceasefire negotiations are highlighted in this exclusive interview with a key figure from the movement.
In an exclusive interview with The Cradle, Abu Imad al-Rifai, a Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) official based in Beirut, sheds light on Israel’s ongoing war on Gaza, the intricacies of West Asian geopolitics, and the state of the ceasefire negotiations that have gripped global attention.
The aftermath of last year’s 7 October Operation Al-Aqsa Flood marked a significant turn in the region’s dynamics, most notably with the direct introduction of Iranian drones and missiles into the fray with Operation True Promise.
This interview provides a deep dive into the current scenario, the objectives of the Palestinian resistance – which includes PIJ’s armed wing, the Quds Brigades, and allied factions – and the broader implications for West Asia and beyond.
As the brutal Israeli military assault on Gaza nears its eighth month, indirect negotiations between Hamas and Israel continue as Tel Aviv announces preparation for an invasion of Rafah, the last refuge for over one million Palestinian civilians.
In this context, Rifai promises the continuation of regional resistance, which at the local level, remains intense, with the Quds Brigades among the factions most dedicated to the Palestinian liberation cause:
The Cradle: Why did Turkiye step into the role of mediator for Hamas just as Qatar seemed to pull back?
Rifai: Turkiye has regional and internal considerations and has strong relations with Hamas. This raises the fear of some countries that Ankara will take over the Palestinian file.
As for Qatar, Israel is trying to pressure and blackmail it on charges of funding Hamas, but Doha has evidence that its transfers of money to Gaza were under Israeli–American approval.
The Cradle: What do the Palestinians and Israelis want from the negotiations?
Rifai: Israel is in a state of confusion and contradiction. What it wants is not to end the war on Gaza without achieving what Netanyahu desires and aspirations. In the negotiations, there is a lack of seriousness on the part of Netanyahu in reaching an agreement, and he insists on maintaining its control over the Netzarim area and Salah al-Din Street (inside the Gaza Strip). Gaza). The resistance is serious about reaching an agreement, but with two basic points that cannot be undone: withdrawal from the Gaza Strip and a ceasefire.
The Cradle: Isn’t it in the interest of the resistance to conclude an agreement now?
Rifai: The resistance is keen to reach an agreement to stop the brutal war on our people, but without achieving complete withdrawal and stopping the permanent aggression, no Israeli prisoner will be released, and the resistance will not stop. Surrender to the Israelis is not in the vocabulary of our people.
The Cradle: Hamas official Khalil al-Hayya recently announced that they are ready to accept a two-state solution and abandon military action. Is this a maneuver or a new strategy for Hamas? What is the position of PIJ if Hamas takes this path?
Rifai: There is no need to make unrealistic and impossible assumptions. Brother Khalil al-Hayya explained this in an interview with Al Jazeera in which he said: “In press interviews, they always change and alter the statements.”
The Cradle: Israel believes that by invading Rafah, it may take an achievement and perhaps find the Qassam [armed wing of Hamas] leaders and prisoners there.
Rifai: Invading Rafah is not easy for the Israelis. They invaded the north and center of the strip and achieved nothing. Rockets are still being fired from the north, and the resistance is still fighting there. Are the Israelis sure that there are no prisoners in the north? If Israel did not resolve the battle in the north, would it be able to do so anywhere else?
The internal Israeli situation must also be taken into consideration. There are 400 families of Israeli soldiers who refuse to let their children go to service. Will this constitute a case of rebellion within the military institution and open fire on [Prime Minister Benjamin] Netanyahu? These families will ask him: ‘Do you want to take our children to death so that you do not go to court?’
Israel is hesitant to enter Rafah not only because of Washington’s refusal but also because of an internal discrepancy. The military and security establishment also have an opinion on Netanyahu’s ability to achieve the war’s goals.
The Cradle: If the resistance is cornered in Rafah, would this trigger a broader regional conflict?
Rifai: The Lebanese resistance [Hezbollah] will not allow the fall of Gaza.
The Cradle: Could Netanyahu’s government collapse under the current pressures?
Rifai: The situation of Netanyahu and his government is unstable. He was unable to achieve any of the goals he announced at the beginning of the aggression on Gaza. Neither the Israeli prisoners were released, nor Hamas was eliminated, and we do not know where things are headed in light of the pressure from the Israeli street, in addition to the Israeli opposition’s position on the war, in addition to the American position, which has become somewhat concerned about Netanyahu’s positions. All of this may lead to its downfall.
The Cradle: With significant PIJ leaders assassinated before 7 October, how has this impacted the organization?
Rifai: The death of leaders has a moral impact, not a logistical or military one. Martyrdom increases the resolve of the resistance fighters to follow the path, not the other way around.
The Cradle: How do you interpret Iran’s military response to the bombing of their consulate in Damascus?
Rifai: What Iran has done is a strategic shift and drew a clear line in the equation of the conflict with Israel. For the first time, Israel has been targeted with this number of drones and missiles, and the world is mobilizing to protect it from an Islamic country thousands of miles away. This is a major and very important shift in managing the conflict with Israel. The conflict between the Zionist entity and the popular resistance was also transformed into a conflict between the entity and a state, and this has implications for the nature of the next stage.
The Cradle: What are the long-term implications of the ongoing support for Gaza from entities like Yemen’s Ansarallah and the Iraqi factions?
Rifai: The American presence in the region has become costly to Washington, and the deployment of battleships and fleets does not mean the ability to continue domination, as all of this American military presence in the region can be exited. Especially since Israel will constitute a large additional burden on the American administration in the next stage, after what we have witnessed of the fragility of the entity on 7 October and how the world crawled to save it from falling. We must also look at the American internal situation.
The Cradle: Looking ahead, what do you foresee for post-war Gaza?
Rifai: Of course, there is a moral demand for people to return to their homes and work quickly to shelter them and accelerate reconstruction, rebuilding homes, hospitals, schools, and universities, but there is a fear of procrastination in reconstruction. In addition, the resistance factions in Gaza, namely Hamas and the PIJ, will assess the current war to build strategies to overcome the challenges resulting from the aggression on Gaza.
The Cradle: The Lebanese newspaper Al-Akhbar recently reported that the UN, at Netanyahu’s request, sent a mediator to meet with PIJ leadership in Lebanon, and he expressed Israel’s willingness to negotiate with you?
Rifai: The Deputy Coordinator of the Middle East Peace Process came with another man. They said they were carrying a message to negotiate with PIJ. The movement’s position was clear that the resistance factions authorized the brothers in Hamas to negotiate through Egypt and Qatar.
The Cradle: Who will run the Gaza Strip after the war?
Rifai: Gaza is run by its people. It is unacceptable that the Gaza administration is not in harmony with the resistance.
The Cradle: How long do you estimate the war will last?
Rifai: No one is able to predict when the war will end. If there is no change in the Israeli position on the demands of the resistance, then “the war is long.” Netanyahu is betting on a mirage and is afraid of the day after the war. The question is, can Israeli society endure all this time of war?
