Eurasia Press & News
In a wide-ranging talk, former U.S. Ambassador to Syria Robert Ford traced the astonishing political transformation unfolding in Damascus: from a 14-year civil war and the December 2024 collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s regime to the rise of Ahmed al-Sharaa—a former jihadist commander now serving as Syria’s transitional president.
Ford began by recounting the surprising turn in 2023, when a UK-based NGO approached him to help explore whether Sharaa, then known as Abu Muhammad al-Golani, could be transitioned from armed insurgency to political leadership. Though initially reluctant—haunted by memories of Sharaa’s past in al-Qaeda and his role in attacks against U.S. forces in Iraq—Ford eventually agreed to meet him.
Their encounter revealed a man already grappling with the burdens of governance. “The tactics I used in Iraq don’t apply when you’re responsible for four million people,” Sharaa admitted. Ford was struck by his recognition that leadership requires compromise.
The ambassador described Sharaa’s efforts to address historic injustices against Syria’s Christian minority, including initiatives to return confiscated properties. In one case, Sharaa resisted using force to recover seized farmland, opting instead for political persuasion—a decision Ford called unprecedented among al-Qaeda alumni. It was a sign of a leader evolving—or at least rebranding.
This shift was underscored further in Sharaa’s response to recent unrest in the Mediterranean coastal regions and around Damascus. Instead of military crackdowns, he pursued negotiations with loosely affiliated factions—again, an approach far removed from his militant roots.
Secretary of State Antony Blinken took note. Following Assad’s ousting, he reached out to Ford for counsel. Was Sharaa someone Washington should engage with? Ford’s answer: he doesn’t fit the mold of the jihadists we’ve known.
One moment emblematic of this evolution, Ford noted, is Sharaa’s decision to introduce his wife publicly. Her photographs—some from the Hajj, others at meetings with civil society groups—mark a radical departure from Salafi-jihadi norms that demand women remain invisible in public life.
From Dogma to Diplomacy
Ford delved into the ideological rupture at the heart of Sharaa’s new role. In classical Salafi-jihadist thought, sovereignty belongs only to God; elections are illegitimate. This was once Sharaa’s position, made clear when he orchestrated attacks on polling stations during the Iraq insurgency. He has never apologized for those actions.
Yet in a stunning reversal, Sharaa announced that Syria will hold elections within four years. The move signals, at the very least, an attempt to distance his government from extremist doctrine.
Another symbolic gesture came when Sharaa invited American Jews of Syrian origin to visit Damascus for the first time in half a century. The visitors toured synagogues, held a service, and met with Syrian officials—an act unthinkable under either Assad or jihadist rule.
While Sharaa extends gestures of reconciliation, Israel’s posture has hardened. Since December, Israeli forces have expanded operations into southern Syria and declared their intent to “protect” the Druze minority—signaling possible intervention. Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich was blunt: Israel’s policy is to keep Syria “weak and divided.”
This divergence alarms Ford, especially as Turkey, now a key ally of Sharaa’s government, considers a formal defense pact with Damascus. Turkish fighter jets may soon be deployed on Syrian airbases to deter Israeli overflights—raising the risk of a direct military confrontation between two regional powers who have never before exchanged fire.
Though Israel remains the dominant military force in the region, Ford warned against underestimating Turkey’s rise. Its expanding defense industry, proven battlefield technology, and political capital in post-Assad Syria position it as a serious contender. “This is how wars start,” he said. “Not with intent, but with miscalculation.”
A New Syria in the Making?
Ford’s January visit to Damascus revealed a society cautiously shedding the fear that defined the Assad era. People approached him freely on the street—something that would have been unthinkable under the former regime. Conversations with Christian citizens reflected both lingering anxiety over Sharaa’s past and tentative hope for a freer Syria.
The ambassador also reflected on America’s continued military footprint in the region. Roughly 1,400 U.S. troops remain in Syria, supporting the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). Though instrumental in defeating ISIS, the SDF’s ties to the PKK—designated a terrorist group by the U.S., EU, and Turkey—have strained relations with Ankara.
With ISIS no longer holding territory, Ford questioned the rationale for prolonged U.S. support: “Do we owe the SDF indefinite protection? And is it still in our national interest?”
Sharaa, for his part, has recognized the need to accommodate Syria’s ethnic and religious diversity. Once a militant hardliner who banned church bells, he now talks about pluralism. A recent agreement with Kurdish commander Muslim Abdi to merge militias into a unified national army marked a significant step toward reconciliation—though much remains uncertain.
Sanctions, Soft Power, and the Road Ahead
Ford then turned to sanctions, arguing that many have outlived their purpose. Some date back to Syria’s 1979 terror designation. Others, enacted after 2011 and 2019, were based on Assad’s war crimes and Syria’s support for terrorism. But Sharaa insists those conditions no longer apply: the civil war is over, chemical weapons sites are open to inspection, and even some Palestinian militants have been arrested.
More than seeking American aid, the new government wants sanctions lifted so that Gulf states and others can invest without fear of U.S. penalties. Ford described the devastation in towns like Marat Nan as proof that economic isolation is no longer a moral stance—it’s a humanitarian liability.
Sharaa’s foreign policy moves reflect this urgency. He expelled Iranian diplomats and curtailed Tehran’s influence. Hezbollah, badly damaged in Lebanon, poses little threat. Russia, distracted by Ukraine, has pulled back from Syria—though it still prints Syrian currency and remains wary of losing Assad as a symbol of loyalty to other client regimes.
But Ford warned that the real danger isn’t external. It’s internal fragmentation. Uncontrolled militias, if left unaddressed, could turn Syria into another Libya. Sharaa knows this—and knows he has no margin for error.
“If he’s assassinated,” Ford said, “there’s no Plan B. No Ayatollah-in-waiting. We’d be back to chaos.”
A Case for Soft Power
As he wrapped up, Ford reflected on what America can still offer: not troops, but training. Not airstrikes, but education. He shared a story from Algeria, where a modest U.S.-funded distance-learning program dramatically changed young lives and generated lasting goodwill—at a fraction of the cost of a single military sortie.
“Soft power works,” he said. “And we’re not using it.”
His final message was clear: the United States cannot rebuild Syria. But it can stop standing in the way—and start helping Syrians rebuild it themselves.
Foreign Minister Rebuts Claims of Private Meetings Between Ford and Sharaa
Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shibani has refuted assertions made by former U.S. Ambassador Robert Ford regarding private meetings with President Ahmad al-Sharaa in Idlib. Al-Shaibani emphasized that recent visits by foreign delegations to northwestern Syria, including Ford’s, were intended to observe Syria’s post-war transformation and the evolution of its governance model.
In a statement on X, al-Shibani described the December 8 transition as “a purely Syrian achievement” and “the result of a people’s resilience and sacrifice for freedom and dignity, despite years of betrayal.” He clarified that the foreign visits, including Ford’s, were “meant to witness firsthand the revolutionary Syrian experience in liberated areas and understand its phases and realities.”
Shibani urged Syrians to capitalize on the emerging regional and international climate in support of the country, cautioning against distractions from “those who seek to undermine confidence in Syrian capacities and leadership.”
