Eurasia Press & News
An in-depth interview with Luka Zanoni, editor-in-chief of OBCT, collected by the Bosnian portal Buka: from political developments in Bosnia and Herzegovina to the hypocrisy of EU policy towards South-Eastern Europe, passing through the student protests in Serbia as a possible turning point
(Originally published by the web portal Buka )
How would you describe the role of OBCT in reporting on the Western Balkans? What is your primary goal?
The role of OBCT is to better inform the public opinion, not only Italian, but European in general, about what is happening in the Western Balkans and the Caucasus.
OBCT was founded twenty-five years ago with the aim of helping volunteers and humanitarian workers in the Western Balkans. The war in Kosovo and the bombing of Serbia had just ended. From the beginning we had correspondents in the region, but in the early years few people were willing to share with us information about what was happening there. Over time we specialised and expanded our activity, so today we cover the entire Balkan region, the Caucasus, Turkey, Ukraine, etc.
Our goal is still to inform the public opinion in particular about those events in the Balkans and the Caucasus that are not covered by the mainstream media in Italy and the rest of Europe. In Italy, we are practically the only media specialised in these areas. In addition to Italian, we also publish texts in English and Bosnian/Montenegrin/Croatian/Serbian (BCHS), thus trying to reach the widest possible audience.
The idea is not to talk only about what does not work in the Balkans, but also about positive things that deserve to be known, so news about culture, art, cinema, literature.
Our mission has always been to build a bridge between the two shores of the Adriatic, to allow people to get to know their overseas neighbors, to understand who they are, what they do and how close we actually are to each other. The idea is to break down prejudices that still persist today, for example when people think that the Balkans are the backyard of Europe, or that people living in the Balkans are not yet fully developed. A certain form of colonialism is still present.
In your opinion, what are the biggest threats to stability in the Western Balkans today?
I believe that the greatest threats, unfortunately, come from within, not from without.
It is true that there are also external influences, exercised by great powers, such as China, Russia and Turkey, usually considered as very influential countries, capable of destabilizing the Western Balkans. However, I do not believe that these are the only threats to the stability of the region.
In my opinion, the United States, sometimes even the European Union, can also be a threat. The West can also destabilize the Balkans. I certainly do not see Trump as a factor of stability, just as I believe that the EU’s tendency to ignore the protests in Serbia can be seen as a factor of instability.
However, I think that one of the main threats is the behavior of leaders of some countries, such as Serbia, Albania and especially Bosnia and Herzegovina. Some leaders behave like autocrats, they manipulate the people, elections are not fair and free, there is no effort to build good neighborly relations.
The main factor of destabilization probably remains nationalism, which, unfortunately, has not only not been defeated, but also seems to be spreading in the EU member countries.
Finally, among the factors of instability I would highlight the demographic decline in the region. We know that for ten years now, if not more, people have been leaving the Balkans en masse, obviously for various reasons. However, anyone who decides to emigrate, especially the young and educated, evidently thinks that the region is not changing and that it does not offer any prospects. In my opinion, this is one of the major obstacles to the development of the region as a whole.
How do you assess the current political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially in light of the increasing tensions and challenges to the country’s constitutional order?
The current political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina is disastrous. Unfortunately, this is not news. Bosnia and Herzegovina is hostage to ethnopolitics and corruption. The country is not progressing. I do not know how it will get out of this situation.
More than ten years ago, we hoped that the so-called bebolucija, and the plenums that followed, could be a turning point. Unfortunately, this turning point never fully materialized. In Republika Srpska, we witnessed protests over the death of David Dragičević, which were echoed in the Federation. Citizens seemed ready to raise their voices, but I think that the country is too divided into what we call “ethnopolises” to function.
The Dayton Peace Agreement was good thirty years ago. This agreement, as is well known, also contain the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, originally written in English. I believe it is time to reform the Dayton system, of course not towards secession and dissolution, but to consolidate the state, regardless of ethnic groups. Citizens are citizens regardless of ethnicity. They must be respected, have access to work and education as citizens of this country, and in this sense they must enjoy all rights.
The war ended thirty years ago. It is not time for saber-rattling, it is time to close that chapter and move on. Among the ethnic groups in Bosnia and Herzegovina (and there are more than three) there are more similarities than differences.
Do you think that the EU is still a credible actor in the region? Can we still talk about the European prospects of the Western Balkans?
The EU can be a credible actor in the region, but it must adopt a more transparent attitude, abandon the logic of stabilitocracy, the policy of double standards and the idea of development based on the exploitation of local resources.
Until a few years ago, it was believed that money was enough to guarantee democracy in the Western Balkans, but the reality turned out to be quite different. The reconciliation process was also insisted on for a long time, but eventually it became clear that post-conflict reconciliation cannot be imposed from the outside.
For a while, enlargement to the East seemed to be high on the agenda, but today we are far from the enthusiasm that was felt at the Thessaloniki summit in 2003.
After Croatia joined the EU, the enlargement process stalled somewhat, until the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Only then did the EU wake up from its slumber, granting candidate status to Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia. It could not leave Bosnia and Herzegovina aside, so it was decided to grant BiH the status of candidate country as well. However, this does not mean much, it is merely a symbolic gesture. As things stand now, it is unlikely that Bosnia and Herzegovina will become a full member of the Union. The road to the EU is still long.
At the same time, the EU must return to its fundamental principles: human rights, the rule of law, the fight against corruption. But the EU itself seems a bit lost. When we say EU, we need to clarify what we mean, because there are different levels of government. Are we talking about the twenty-seven member states, the European Commission or the European Parliament? Ursula von der Leyen also ended up in court because of the so-called Pfizergate, precisely because her behavior as President of the European Commission was not transparent.
When the EU does not listen to the Serbian citizens who take to the streets en masse to protest, when it does not realize or ignores the fact that the Serbian president is holding the entire country hostage, when it does not react to similar situations for the sake of business (I am thinking especially of lithium) or when it sees leaders like Vučić as a factor of stability (there you have it, stabilitocracy), in these cases the EU has little credibility, precisely because of its double standards.
Likewise, when it makes agreements only to reduce the pressure of migrants at its borders, the EU loses credibility. When a social democrat like Borrell, former EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, says that there is a jungle outside and while the EU is a garden, and that we must protect that garden, this statement stinks of colonialism… that is where the EU loses credibility.
So, in principle, the EU still has some credibility, but it has to be careful how it behaves. As for the European prospects of the Western Balkans, I see no alternative.
How do you evaluate the role of Russia, China and Turkey in the Western Balkans? Are they strictly pragmatic partners or can they exert a more significant geopolitical influence?
I do not think we can talk about purely pragmatic partners today. Of course, the countries you mentioned also behave as pragmatic partners, they build infrastructure, provide aid, but nothing comes for free. All these countries also have geopolitical influence. Each has its own interests in the Balkan region. That is why the EU has to be careful how it behaves and maintains credibility in the Western Balkans, because it has competitors, if we can call them that.
Of course, the place of the Western Balkans is within the EU, but if enlargement remains only on paper, then more space is given to other countries to influence local politics as well.
How do you assess the state of media freedom in the Western Balkan countries? Are there signs of deterioration?
Since we have been implementing projects specifically dedicated to media freedom, I have not noticed any significant improvement in the situation, on the contrary. Media freedom in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina is continuously deteriorating. Independent media are struggling to survive, constantly facing legal proceedings and attempts to silence them. Abusive lawsuits (SLAPPs) have become a tool to silence journalists.
At the same time, the ruling elite controls most of the mainstream and tabloid media. Journalists are under constant pressure – not to mention death threats – and struggle to do their jobs. Being an honest journalist in this region, especially if you are an investigative journalist, is not easy, given the many risks that our profession entails.
Is OBCT covering the student protests in Serbia? What is your editorial line on this topic?
Yes, of course we follow the protests. It is one of the most significant social and political events of recent years. I believe that today in Serbia something serious and important is happening, something that can serve as an example for other countries, not only in the Balkans.
In keeping with the rule of journalistic objectivity, we have been covering the protests in Serbia since the very beginning, in cooperation with our correspondents. We have given ample coverage to blockades and demonstrations, especially since initially there was little talk about them in the European media.
Serbia has been protesting for decades, from 1991 to 1996-97, then on 5 October, 2000, then Savamala, Belgrade Waterfront, the massacre in the “Ribnikar” school, Rio Tinto… The country has a long tradition of protests against power. In the past, however, none of these mobilisations have o significantly undermine the regime.
The current protests seem different. A curious, and positive, aspect is that the students are asking for the same things that the EU is asking of Serbia. So, I think it makes no sense to ignore the protests. The EU should listen to what the students have to say. Lately, it seems that the EU has awakened from its torpor, also on the Palestinian issue. Finally, seventeen member states – Italy is unfortunately not among them – have asked to review the agreements with Israel. But almost two years had to pass – years in which over fifty thousand people lost their lives – for someone to raise their voice and do something.
How present are Western Balkans issues in the Italian media? How interesting and relevant are these issues for your audience?
The Western Balkans are only talked about when something very important happens, it is a typical attitude of the mainstream media. In Italy there are still journalists who talk about the Balkans as a powder keg and have many prejudices. However, I believe that the public perceives the Western Balkans as a relevant topic, especially young people, who were not yet born at the time of the Yugoslav wars, but they want to know what their peers on the other side of the Adriatic think. There are many experiences to share and exchange.
Of course, our readers include many members of the diaspora, people who left the territory of the former Yugoslavia during or after the conflict. OBCT is practically the only news site that consistently covers this area, and the public continues to follow us.
