Eurasia Press & News
Egypt is pushing for the formation of a NATO-like Arab military alliance in the wake of Israeli airstrikes on Hamas leaders in Qatar last week.
For many regional states, Tel Aviv’s unprecedented military action in Doha signalled that no country is off limits to Israeli aggression.
The 9 September attacks on a residential building that housed Hamas’s political office, and the residences of its leaders, came as a Gaza ceasefire proposal devised by the US, Qatar, and Egypt was being discussed.
Outrage over the attack resulted in an emergency summit of Arab and Muslim countries held in Doha, where Cairo proposed reviving an old idea of forming a common Arab force to defend states against external aggression and security threats.
When Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi first proposed such an alliance in 2015, several states were facing heightened threats and violence from the Islamic State (IS) and Al-Qaeda, including Egypt, which was battling a branch of IS in Sinai.
Sisi’s perception of the military alliance was for it to function as a rapid support force that could quickly mobilise to repel regional threats.
A decade ago, Israel’s threat perception to the security and sovereignty of Arab states was perceived as low, at least in comparison to other more immediate dangers.
However, following Tel Aviv’s airstrikes on Doha, the culmination of a multi-front war launched across the region since 2023, many now view common deterrent capabilities as a necessity.
“The formation of such a military alliance is becoming important now,” Gen. Nasr Salem, the former commander of the Egyptian army’s Surveillance Unit, told The New Arab.
“This force will be capable of deterring those who think they can launch attacks or occupy Arab territories without impunity,” he added.
Arab NATO
The proposed alliance draws on a common defence agreement signed by Arab states in 1950.
The agreement was formulated when the Arab-Israeli conflict was at its height, only two years after the establishment of the State of Israel, following the ethnic cleansing and exile of Palestinians.
This agreement is now dormant, with each group of Arab states forming its own defence and security strategies that suit the geographical area where they are located.
Arab Gulf states, for example, have their own defence alliance that is mandated to defend Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states against threats.
Called the Peninsula Shield Force, this common defence mechanism activates wherever and whenever necessary in any of the states of the alliance, mainly GCC members.
Addressing the Arab-Islamic summit in Doha on 15 September, Sisi underscored the importance of putting in place a mechanism for security and defence coordination among Arab and Muslim nations.
Just weeks earlier, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu endorsed the concept of “Greater Israel”, an Israeli fantasy for expanding Israel’s current borders by annexing territories in Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan.
Egypt’s role
Egypt has, meanwhile, its own strategic, economic, and political reasons for promoting the formation of a joint security mechanism.
With almost a third of all Arabs living in the country, Egypt faces tough economic realities after years of unrest and an extended fight against terrorism in Sinai. Israel’s war in Gaza has further strained the Egyptian economy.
Proposing an Arab alliance is a way for Egypt, a founding member of the Arab League, to reclaim its historical leadership role in the region, which has diminished significantly in the last two decades. It would also position Cairo as the linchpin of regional security.
By framing Egypt as a defender of Arab interests against Israel, Sisi is hoping that it will resonate with nationalist sentiments, bolster domestic support, and even attract Gulf funding for defence projects.
Amid tacit US approval of Israel’s strike on Doha, the military alliance would also reduce dependence on the West and prioritise regional interests.
Who will be part of the military alliance?
Little information is available about the makeup of the aspired force or the mechanisms of its operability.
It is expected to see a revolving command among the 22 member states of the Arab League, all of whom would contribute to it, while a civilian would serve as secretary-general, according to media reports.
Egypt would take first command of the force, which will contain land, air, naval, and commando units, and could contribute up to 20,000 personnel, according to reports. Saudi Arabia is expected to be the second-largest contributor
Activating the alliance would require a request from a participant nation, consultations from member countries, and approval from the military command.
“If Arab states succeed in overcoming their differences and form the aspired force, it will be effective in preserving the security and territorial integrity of these states,” Rakha Ahmed Hassan, a retired diplomat and member of the Egyptian Council for Foreign Affairs think tank, told TNA.
“But I have to say that the road to the achievement of this goal could be long,” he added.
The force, analysts like Ahmed said, could coordinate joint responses, from military exercises to UN-backed diplomatic measures.
Challenges ahead
The formation of an Arab military force is easier said than done, according to analysts.
When Egypt first proposed an alliance in 2015, the idea frayed under the weight of diverging security interests and alliances. These discrepancies have only increased since then, despite compelling reasons for Arab states to unite.
Gulf nations, for example, have been more focused on the threat posed to their security and territorial integrity by Iran. Arab states sharing borders with Israel are, however, more concerned about threats posed by Tel Aviv’s expansionist goals.
North African Arab states have different security and defence concerns, particularly among those locked in territorial disputes. They also remain more focused on repelling terrorist threats from the Sahel region and central Africa.
Meanwhile, the US could see the force as undermining its regional dominance, while Israel might view it as a threat.
Coordinating diverse Arab militaries, with varying capabilities and political agendas, analysts say, could prove an insurmountable logistical challenge.
“Sorry to say, Arab states are far from unified, which makes the success of the military alliance as a mechanism unlikely,” Gen. Ali Hefzi, a former assistant to the Egyptian minister of defence, told TNA.
“These states need to get over their differences first, something that will significantly help them leverage their influence on the international stage.”
