Eurasia Press & News
Since the outbreak of the popular uprising in 2011, Syria has become an open arena for regional and international interventions. With a political solution stalled, the conflict-ridden land has become crowded with conflicting agendas. In this landscape, Turkish-backed factions have emerged as instruments of influence on the Syrian scene, ostensibly as opposition groups to the defunct Ba’athist regime, but they have become beholden to Turkey’s will and have committed heinous crimes against humanity against the inhabitants of the areas occupied by Türkiye.
The latest British sanctions have brought the leaders of these factions back into the international spotlight, due to serious violations against civilians documented by human rights organizations.
Prominent names on the sanctions list
Among those sanctioned by the UK is Mohammed al-Jassem, known as “Abu Amsha,” the commander of the Suleiman Shah Brigade, known locally as “al-Amshat.” According to human rights reports, he has been linked to extortion and forced displacement in the Afrin region, as well as accusations of war crimes.
Today, Al-Jassem holds an official position within the Ministry of Defense of the transitional government in Syria, where he was appointed commander of one of the military divisions in Hama Governorate.
The list also includes Fahmi Issa, the commander of the Sultan Murad Division, who has been charged with arbitrary arrest and torture, as well as violations of international humanitarian law.
Multiple reports indicate his role in recruiting fighters and sending them to foreign conflict zones, such as Libya and Azerbaijan, before he became part of the official military structure.
The name of Saif al-Din Bulad, known as “Saif Abu Bakr,” the leader of the Hamzat Brigade, who belongs to the Syrian Turkmen component, also appears.
His name has appeared in human rights reports detailing serious violations, including arbitrary arrests and the systematic looting of civilian property, particularly in the Afrin region. Polad himself holds an official position as a military commander.
In addition to these, the British sanctions list included other leaders from the same factions, not all of whose names were disclosed to the media, which, according to observers, reflects the widening scope of international concern about the role of these armed formations.
Entities under accountability
The sanctions were not limited to individuals, but also extended to entities that form the backbone of the Ankara-backed factions, which still operate as semi-independent forces on the ground, despite the integration of some of their leaders into the structures of the Syrian Ministry of Defense.
The Sultan Murad Division, which is predominantly Turkmen, tops the list of factions most supported by Türkiye, with direct funding and arming.
As for the Suleiman Shah Brigade, its name became associated with extortion and forced displacement, while the Hamzat Brigade had a record burdened with arbitrary arrests and looting, according to what was documented by international human rights organizations.
Britain’s motives for imposing sanctions
The reasons that prompted Britain to impose sanctions were intertwined, but the most prominent were the documented violations against civilians, including extrajudicial killings, looting of property, sexual violence, and forced displacement, committed by these factions, forming a record burdened with crimes.
The massacres on the Syrian coast in March 2025 against the Alawites were the turning point that prompted London to take direct action.
On the other hand, Britain wanted to exert explicit pressure on Ankara, through a clear message that supporting these factions no longer goes unpunished, and that it is now under international scrutiny.
London also sought to enhance its image as a defender of human rights, to appear as a power that does not tolerate crimes against civilians, and to redefine these factions before the international community as paid mercenaries serving a regional agenda.
Finally, the decision serves political and strategic interests, as it weakens Turkey’s tools in Syria and gives Britain additional leverage in Middle East issues, confirming that it is a player that does not merely observe but imposes its rhythm on the stage of conflict.
Areas of influence and relationship with Türkiye
These factions are based in areas of Turkish influence in northern Syria, from Afrin to al-Bab, Ras al-Ayn and Tal Abyad, where they impose their authority on the local population, under the cover of Turkish military and logistical support.
Some of its leaders reside in Türkiye, enjoy direct protection, and are used as proxies in foreign wars waged by Ankara.
This close connection with Turkish intelligence and the military makes them part of a regional strategy aimed at consolidating Ankara’s influence in Syria and beyond.
Beginning of the International Accounting Path
In light of these developments, the transitional government finds itself facing a highly sensitive political and moral test. The British sanctions have targeted leaders, some of whom hold senior positions within the Ministry of Defense, revealing the contradiction between the rhetoric of state-building and a reality that includes internationally accused individuals.
Ignoring these sanctions could be interpreted as tacit approval of the violations or an attempt to circumvent accountability, which threatens to undermine the confidence of international partners and exposes the government’s fragile political and economic position. Conversely, any defense of these individuals or public questioning of the motives behind the sanctions could provoke an ill-advised confrontation with influential Western capitals.
Will the government respond to the demands of international justice, or will it remain captive to leaders burdened by accusations?
